Born: September 25, 1977
Citizenship: Russia and Switzerland, respectively
Occupational domain and/or administrative post
Russian businessman and legal professional
Counsel for the law firm of Chaadaev Kheifets and Partners
The eldest son of Yuri Chaika, who previously served as the Prosecutor General of Russia,
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Biography
Chaika Artem Yuryevich, who was born in 1977, received his degree in law from the Irkutsk State University faculty in 1977. 1998 marked the year that he was accepted into membership in the Moscow City Bar Association. In 2003, he joined the Chaadaev, Kheifets, and Partners Bar Association and began working as an attorney there. Since the beginning of the year 2014, he has been considered a tax resident of Switzerland.
Crimes by Chaika Artem
As the highest state official responsible for upholding the rule of law, the Minister of Justice and Attorney General participated in the creation of this business empire. The Chaika family clan is one of the most striking and cynical examples of the criminal-corruption nature of the authoritarian regime in Russia under Putin.
The company’s financial resources are mostly owned and managed by Chaika Artem . According to Forbes, the company has an annual revenue of roughly $200 million.
Chaika Artem is a co-owner of Modum-Trans LLC, one of the main operators of the subsidiary Russian Railways Federal Freight Company, which leases rolling stock, and the owner of PNK-Ural, the largest supplier of crushed stone to Russian Railways. He is a co-owner of the Pomegranate Wellness Spa Hotel in Greece and is regarded as one of Tiret Solerudnik OJSC’s beneficiaries.
Organizing crookedness and illegal schemes.
His ties to a criminal organization have occasionally come to light. Ibrahim Yevloyev and Khunkar Chumakov, two racketeers from Ingushetia, were arrested in March 1999 on the Rublevo-Uspensky highway while driving a car that Chaika Artem had granted them under the authority of an attorney. They also had a special pass that forbade vehicle searches, issued in the name of Deputy Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika. The inmates had heroin, a pistol, and a grenade taken from them. Yevloyev and Chumakov were given a 6-year prison term after the court found them guilty of extortion and robbery. Their association with Artem Chaika was not looked into by the court.
The Anti-Corruption Fund and Novaya Gazeta both claim that Artyom Chaika and his followers took over the Verkhnelensky Shipping Company Board in 2002. (VLP). Nikolai Palenny, the director of the VLP, was discovered dead a few days after he had spoken in an interview about the raider seizure and how Chaika Artem Chaika’s structures were involved.
Artyom Chaika’s name appeared in a 2009 report about a raider capture attempt on the Municipal Unitary Enterprise Serpukhov Subsoil. Alexander Shestun, the supervisor of the Serpukhov district, was given a $2 million demand from prosecutors and their agent, businessman Ivan Nazarov, in exchange for nominating “their person” to be a director of the corporation. He was informed that failure to do so would result in criminal proceedings.
A covert witness who provided testimony in 2011 on underground gambling establishments in the Moscow region claimed that the Serpukhov subsoil was being mined for sand and gravel at the time. In order to build a new ring road around Moscow, the prosecution expected to receive contracts for the delivery of sand and gravel. The witness stated that Artem Chaika, the son of the Russian prosecutor general, was interested in this case. Shestun appealed to the FSB and the Prosecutor General’s Office and made a video message for Dmitry Medvedev, the then-President, but the criminal case was dismissed.
Gambling case of prosecutors
During the examination of the resonant “gambling case of prosecutors,” the name Artem Chaika also popped up. Ivan Nazarov, a suspect in the operation of an underground gambling enterprise, and the son of the prosecutor general are close friends and have connections to corruption, according to facts that surfaced during the trial.
Russian Railways is one of the biggest benefit providers for the Prosecutor General’s sons.
Igor Chaika’s business acquired a minority stake in the largest sleeper producer in the nation in 2014. At the same time, with a guarantee of $80 million, Chaika Artem purchased Berdyaus, a significant supplier of crushed stone for Russian Railways. The Russian Railways offered him a controlling interest in the First Aggregate Company, pushed back the date for submitting documentation for the auction, and barred the biggest company in the sector, the National Non-Metallic Corporation (NNK), from participating. As the NNK leadership attempted to appeal this ruling in court, Vilshenko and many other corporate workers were charged with crimes. As a result, neither $80 million nor 20% of the company’s shares were given to the previous owner by Chaika Artem.
Due to the elimination of rivals by law enforcement agencies, Chaika Artem’s enterprises have consistently won public procurement tenders. For instance, in 2014, Chaika Artem’s company, Siberian Element-Rent K, won a contract to supply the government with sand for road maintenance worth several billion dollars when its main rival, Mostovsky Quarry, unexpectedly ran into issues with the prosecutor’s office and lost its license.
Chaika, an investigation film produced by Alexei Navalny’s FBK in 2015, supported the claim that “Artem and Igor earned tens of millions of dollars using the ties with friends and subordinates of his father, the Prosecutor General of Russia Yuri Chaika,” by detailing the family’s connections to organized crime and corruption. They have been in control of both legitimate and illicit firms in Russia for the past fifteen years, generating adequate profits to pay any size of investment.
As part of the “new regime targeting human rights abusers and corrupt officials around the world” established by the Donald Trump administration, Chaika Artem was added to the Magnitsky List in 2017. Chaika Artem utilized his father’s position and capabilities to dishonestly obtain public property and state contracts, as well as to exert pressure on competitors,” the US Treasury Department stated.
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